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  • SCHAPIRO: The marketing or mismarketing of Virginia’s brand | Editorial
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SCHAPIRO: The marketing or mismarketing of Virginia’s brand | Editorial

Sherry E. Rowe April 11, 2022






JEFFSNOTESMUG

Jeff Schapiro



DEAN HOFFMEYER/Periods-DISPATCH


Republican Glenn Youngkin ran and gained for governor mindful that Virginia is more than a blueish condition with competing properties: That it is mainly suburban but abides its rural roots. That it’s of the South but nationally oriented. That its previous, although not completely sterling, is not devoid of brilliance. That prolonged exceptional, generally in the even worse perception of the phrase, it toils to grow to be inclusive. That its economy, previously dominated by agriculture and production, now mainly operates on brainpower.

More than Virginia’s identity, these tangibles and intangibles comprise Virginia’s brand. But is that model — a consistent that helps make an enduring statement, demanding occasional fantastic-tuning to continue being powerful — imperiled?

Compared with a purchaser product or service that sheds a troubling title or picture to secure its industry share — consider: Uncle Ben’s rice and Aunt Jemima syrup, both of which relied on Jim Crow stereotypes of Black men and women — Virginia looks to be embracing symbols that could diminish its competitiveness.

Most notably, there is Youngkin’s war on wokeness.

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Devoid of the sass of Donald Trump or the snarl of Ron DeSantis, Youngkin has vowed to erase specific race-educating in Virginia’s community schools. Youngkin said as a applicant — and repeats as governor — that curricula ought to be purged of purportedly divisive topics. This contains shade and lifestyle, yet Youngkin insists he is dedicated to pupils mastering the superior and the poor, although he’s hardly ever really defined possibly.

It’s the us-in opposition to-them fashion in which Youngkin goes about pressuring educators to rewrite lesson programs that is proving divisive, threatening to restore an out-of-date notion of Virginia that — since of a very long Democratic earn streak, coupled with revulsion more than George Floyd’s murder at the palms of police — was just beginning to be introduced up to day.

A point out synonymous for 400 many years with slavery and segregation, and the laws and occasional violence employed by whites to implement each, cannot, about the four yrs of a nonrenewable governorship or two, think about by itself reconstructed on nagging troubles of fairness — a term banned in the lexicon of Youngkin officialdom — that nonetheless perform out in the overall economy, educational institutions, the courts and on the streets.

Even further, that Youngkin is using vigilantism — the electronic mail-centered snitch line for reporting supposedly woke lecturers — to root out this supply of white rage will telegraph past Virginia’s borders that the state, in which 42% of citizens are Black, Asian and Hispanic, is awkward in its skin.

Community polling in the early weeks of an administration that’s barely 3 months outdated suggests a bulk of voters disagree with Youngkin’s approach, that he is accommodating the several at the expense of the quite a few.

Christopher Newport University’s Wason Center for Civic Management discovered that 63% believe that pupils need to be taught racism and its results, and 59% oppose banning critical race theory, an tutorial strategy not taught in Virginia but is shorthand between conservatives for the indoctrination of a captive audience: impressionable little ones.

And Youngkin’s hissing matches with the academics union and the superintendents above his elimination of racially laden tutorial content supplied by the state Department of Education and learning — rather than give mom and dad a veto above what their young children study — threatens the collaboration amongst moms and dads, college students, educators and policymakers on which profitable faculties depend.

Further more, that Youngkin, in his quarrel with the neighborhood school process more than the range of a new chancellor, is signaling he desires better manage around Virginia’s traditionally impartial general public schools and universities — very long companions to organization and magnets for financial development — should really be an alarm that the desired remedy to a perceived leftward drift on campus is a hard-ideal hammer wielded top-down.

This has implications for the nuclear arms race that is the level of competition between states for new or expanded corporate investments and is arguably much more about attracting talent — white and non-white, straight and LGBTQ — to a office that, simply because of the coronavirus pandemic, is now precise and digital.

Expertise migrates to Virginia, where — even as extra people today go out than transfer in — the bulk of citizens are non-natives. And not just since it is in the quick orbit of Washington, D.C. This incident of geography powers the state’s overall economy — a single in 3 bucks can be attributed to federal largess. Place also assures Virginia all set obtain to the venerable funds hubs of the Northeast and new manufacturing centers of the South.

But to appeal to and preserve talent calls for a welcoming social atmosphere, responsible colleges, an unmatched top quality of life and affordability, measured, in portion, by predictable taxes. Virginia ranks 34th amongst states in tax load, according to WalletHub.

Even Youngkin, whose tax-cut deal induced the continuing Household-Senate deadlock on expending, admits his proposal to quickly suspend gasoline taxes won’t save inflation-jittery Virginians a lot money. That he acknowledges this is a sure indicator Virginians do, and that they fully grasp history gas charges are a final result of situations over and above their manage, these types of as the Russian invasion of Ukraine, a output decrease due to the fact of COVID-19, and increasing desire attributed to occupation gains that have much more men and women driving.

One more significant variable in preserving the Virginia brand name: the firm the state keeps. That it is courting the Washington Commanders soccer group with a $350 million scheme for a taxpayer-subsidized stadium in Northern Virginia may possibly have been a position of pride have been it not the club’s seamy picture, controversial administration and tin ear. Put a further way: These are not individuals most of us would want in our neighborhood.

A U.S. Household committee is investigating the NFL’s reaction to allegations of sexual harassment inside the Commanders corporation, focusing on, between many others, vast majority proprietor Dan Snyder, who lengthy resisted dropping the team’s former name — just one seen as demeaning of Native People in america. The inquiry is expanding to incorporate achievable economical improprieties by the crew, The Washington Write-up documented Friday.

This romancing of the Commanders, the 2nd by Virginia considering that the 1990s, should really be considered with skepticism if only as a small business undertaking. Professional sports groups are notorious for severing ties to communities, in particular if a sweeter, publicly financed deal comes along. Richmond’s finding a bitter flavor of this with the Commanders’ anticipated prepare to conclude its summer time coaching camp in the metropolis, which per year stroked a examine to the workforce for $500,000 to follow at a facility compensated for with $10 million in loans.

Fiscal self-discipline — below Democrats and Republicans, liberals and Republicans — is an additional element of the Virginia brand name.

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